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The 1817 385 Bleecker Street

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image via loopnet.com

In 1815, retired clothing merchant Aaron Henry purchased a large tract of land in Greenwich Village.  The recently bucolic neighborhood was seeing an influx of activity since the erection of the nearby State Prison.  In 1817 he erected two frame structures at the northeast corner of Perry and George Streets.  (George Street would be renamed Bleecker around 1829.)

Like the slightly smaller building next door, the corner structure was two-and-a-half stories tall.  Its peaked roof would have been pierced by two dormers.  In 1820, both buildings were sold to Samuel Torbert, who apparently leased them.  As early as 1830, Daniel McCroly and William Tiet's "weaving" business occupied the ground floor of 385 Bleecker Street.

The upper floor and attic were rented.  Living here in 1847 and '48 were the families of John C. McCollam, a carman; and carpenter Elihu B. Price.  The commercial space continued to house fabric concerns.  In 1855, Robert Scott ran a dyeing shop here, while the family of John Burns, a smith, occupied the upper portion of the building.

As early as 1858, James Black manufactured buckram--a stiff, rough fabric--here.  The wooden building was threatened early that year.  On March 11, The New York Times reported that a fire had broken out at 8:00 the previous evening.  "The fire originated in the dyeing-room, and was caused by an imperfection in the flue," said the article.  Happily, it was quickly extinguished with little damage.

Around 1860, the Cyrus Patten family moved into the upper floors.  Patten was a jeweler.  He and his wife, Lydia, had at least one daughter, Mary J., who taught in the girls' department of School No. 15 on Fifth Street.  At the time, Jacob Moore, ran the ground floor fabric business.  By 1863, Richard Moore, presumably a son, joined the business.

Lydia Patten died at the age of 65 on October 14, 1863.  Her funeral was held in house two days later.

Mary J. Patten, who had recently married Joseph Masten, was no longer living in the Bleecker Street house.  Interestingly, however, Henrietta Katkamier moved in.   She was a teacher in the girls' department of School No. 15--very possibly replacing Mary Patten Masten's position there.  Henrietta boarded with Cyrus Patten through 1866, when he moved into Mary and Joseph Masten's home in Yonkers, where he died at the age of 77 on December 26, 1874.

Elizabeth Miller, the widow of Thomas Miller, occupied the upper floors in 1867, apparently renting rooms.  Henry Freund, a die maker; and Mary Danneker, who surprisingly listed her profession as "segars," lived here that year.  Eliza Friend ran her fancygoods store at street level and lived in the rear.

Eliza's venture would be short-lived.  On September 9, 1869, an advertisement in the New York Herald read, "Fancy Goods Store for Sale--In an excellent location, with apartment, doing a good business in dressmaking and stamping.  Inquire at 385 Bleecker st."

It may have been John H. Timm's purchase of the building that prompted Eliza Friend's move.  Timm lived around the corner at 77 Perry Street and moved his grocery store into the Bleecker Street space.  

It was about this time that Timm raised the attic to a full third floor and extended the building by filling in the passageway behind it to create a new entry to the upper floors.  A simple cornice and fascia and an updated storefront were installed.

image from the collection of the New York Public Library

In 1879, Timm leased the store to Flannery Brothers, composed of Thomas E., Joseph F. and John P. Flannery.  The brothers established a saloon in the space, adding it to their others at 635 Hudson Street, 613 Third Avenue and 802 Greenwich Street.  Interestingly, according to John P. Flannery on October 7, 1892, "This business is in my mother's name, Catherine A. Flannery."

The Flannery Brothers saloon lasted here until 1897, when John H. Timm leased the space to James Mulligan.   The Flannerys left nothing for the new leasee.  An auction took place on May 11 offering: 

Elegant Ash Counters with Cabinet Back Bar and 5-plate Mirrors (to match), Patent Ice House, Lunch Bars, Mirrored Wall Case, Screens and Summer Doors, Tables, Vienna Chairs, Partitions, Cash Register, Glassware, Chandeliers, Storm Doors, etc., in lots to dealers.

The process was repeated six years later when an auction of the "saloon fixtures" was held on July 29, 1903.

John H. Timm continued to lease the store space to saloon owners and their businesses continued to be short-lived.  In 1912, Thomas McFadden ran the saloon, followed by Jonathan Reilly, who was superseded by Frank Barbiere in 1915.

A distinct change came in the post-World War I years.  The Polimeni fishing tackle store occupied the space by 1918.  While anglers could shop for fishing rods and lures, Polimeni's ads clearly noted, "No Bait."

Seen here in February 1932, the upper shutters have been removed.  Street signs are affixed to the second floor corners.  from the collection of the New York Public Library.

In 1934, the building's wooden facade was covered with a thick layer of stucco, leaving only the wood-framed windows to testify to the structure's venerable architecture.  By then, the Waverly Grocery store occupied the ground floor space.  Following the repeal of Prohibition, in 1938 the store's owner, Sam Rabinowitz, obtained a license to sell beer "for off-premises consumption."

In September 1980, the Johnny Jupiter store opened here.  The Villager reported a month later, "its white shelves are filled to overflowing with a rainbow of colors decorating fragile and delicate cups and saucers, plates, glasses, ashtrays and many beautifully designed jars, metal hanging baskets, crocheted pillows and table cloths."

Johnny Jupiter was supplanted by Simon Pearce, described by The Villager reporter Joan Foley on December 10, 1987 as "one of the finest craft stores in the Village."  A Marc Jacobs cosmetics store opened around the turn of the century, replaced in 2017 by leather goods store Tde. (short for the Daily Edited).

image via camelotrealgygroup

No one passing 385 Bleecker Street today could guess that under the gray-painted stucco is one of Greenwich Village's oldest extant buildings.
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deebee
21 hours ago
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A beaut
America City, America
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South Carolina with an outbreak of the Bobby Kennedys

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Or, if you prefer, the Bill Cassidys:

The measles outbreak in South Carolina is “accelerating” with no end in sight following Thanksgiving and other large gatherings, state health officials said Wednesday.

As of Wednesday, 111 measles cases had been reported in what’s known as upstate South Carolina — an area in the northwest of the state that includes Greenville and Spartanburg.

“We are faced with ongoing transmission that we anticipate will go on for many more weeks,” Dr. Linda Bell, state epidemiologist for the South Carolina Department of Public Health, said during a news briefing Wednesday.

Twenty-seven of those cases have been reported since Friday. “That is a significant increase in our cases in a short period of time,” Bell said. She attributed the spike in part to holiday travel and get-togethers, as well as low vaccination rates.

According to NBC News data, the K-12 vaccination rate for measles-mumps-rubella (MMR) in Spartanburg County was 90% for the 2024-25 school year, below the 95% level doctors say is needed to protect against an outbreak. In neighboring Greenville County, the MMR vaccination rate was 90.5%.

Avoidable sickness and death resulting directly and foreseeably from specific policy choices is the overriding legacy of Trump 2.0 and its supporters and enablers.

The post South Carolina with an outbreak of the Bobby Kennedys appeared first on Lawyers, Guns & Money.

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deebee
9 days ago
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whats the difference in the fatality rate between autism and measles
America City, America
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Trump seizes Venezuelan oil tanker

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More effective diplomacy from the Peace President:

U.S. forces have seized a sanctioned oil tanker off the coast of Venezuela, people familiar with the matter told Bloomberg News.

Oil prices rose slightly on the reported seizure. U.S. crude oil was up 28 cents, or 0.48%, at $58.53 per barrel. Global benchmark Brent rose 31 cents, or 0.5%, to $62.25 a barrel.

President Donald Trump has escalated pressure on Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro in recent weeks. Trump said Maduro’s “days are numbered” in an interview with Politico published Tuesday. The president would not rule out a ground invasion of the South American nation.

The White House has undertaken a large military buildup in the Caribbean and launched deadly strikes against boats that it claims were trafficking drugs to the U.S.

Venezuela is a founding member of OPEC and has the largest proven oil reserves in the world. It is exporting about 749,000 barrels per day this year with at least half that oil going to China, according to data from energy consulting firm Kpler.

Marks are evidently a critical part of the Trump coalition, but absolutely none are bigger than the “Donald the Dove” set.

The post Trump seizes Venezuelan oil tanker appeared first on Lawyers, Guns & Money.

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deebee
9 days ago
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So going after shipping is good now?
America City, America
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Faculty of Humanities Building - Industrial University of Santander / taller de arquitectura de bogotá

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© Alejandro Arango © Alejandro Arango

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deebee
10 days ago
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America City, America
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Sound advice

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Here is the soundest of advice from Hunter Gatherer 21C’s Nicholas Bate:

Only listen to vinyl when working; a break and a walk will be naturally necessary every twenty minutes or so.

This could be the nudge I need to set up my turntable again.

Currently, I have a playlist on Sonos of mostly guitar instrumentals curated from my music collection. It runs for nearly a full day and ensures (after a couple of opening tracks with vocals) that I’m not writing with other people’s words in my head.

It’s not vinyl, but it includes some sublime tracks. Here’s a taster:

Opening vocal tracks:

Loser, The Grateful Dead (“I’ve got no fear of losing this time.”)

Hair of the Dog, Nazareth (“Now you’re messing with a son of a bitch.”)

Hello Hooray, Alice Cooper (“God, I feel so strong.”)

Thereafter, a mix of the sweetest guitar music:

Blue Valley, Thomas Blug

And The Address, Deep Purple

High Nights, Sutherland Brothers & Quiver (an instrumental from Quiver’s Time Renwick, later of Al Stewart and Pink Floyd’s touring band amongst many others)

Cloudy Day, JJ Cale

Weiss Heim, Rainbow

Cause We’ve Ended as Lovers, Jeff Beck

Samba Pa Ti, Santana

Journey of the Sorcerer, Eagles

Little Wing, Stevie Ray Vaughan

Another Place, Jeff Beck

Scandinavia, Van Morrison

Angel (Footsteps), Jeff Beck

Where Were You, Jeff Beck.

And, much, much more. Just so much great music!

Photo by Adrian Korte on Unsplash

The post Sound advice appeared first on The Sovereign Professional.

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deebee
10 days ago
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Hate the fuckin eagles man
America City, America
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Why Are Leftists So Pessimistic About School Reform?

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Every once in a while, a state or city discovers a new and better way to educate poor children. Inevitably, a group of skeptics arises to insist that this new way doesn’t work, that even attempting to shrink the gap between rich and poor students is a fool’s errand.

Strangely enough, these skeptics tend, with increasing frequency, to reside on the political left.

The most recent subject of this recurring dynamic is Mississippi. Once synonymous with terrible education, the state incorporated a set of educational reforms including teacher training, testing, retention (i.e., whether kids move forward or are held back), and a mostly phonics-based reading instruction, unlike the ineffective but popular “whole language” model that prevailed at the time. In a mere 10 years, the state’s fourth-grade reading scores rose from 49th place, in 2013, to the top 20, in 2023. Adjusted for race and income, Mississippi now does a far better job of teaching literacy than do many northern states seen as leaders in public education. In 2023, Maryland promptly hired Carey Wright, Mississippi’s superintendent of education, to oversee the state’s public schools.

Education reform has long split Democrats between, generally speaking, a moderate wing (led by, for instance, Bill Clinton and Barack Obama) and their progressive critics. Moderates have called for better incentives for attracting and keeping quality teachers (such as merit-based pay), better systems for tracking student progress, and better alternatives—such as public charter schools—to failing schools. Their critics from the left are skeptical of reforms designed to lift performance. And though these critics support public schools as community centers and providers of child care and secure middle-class jobs, they tend to dismiss any plan to close the achievement gap between rich and poor students, at least as long as poverty and inequality exist in the broader society.

Longtime progressive critics of education reform, including Diane Ravitch and Michael Hiltzik, have questioned the validity of Mississippi’s results. New Jersey Governor-Elect Mikie Sherrill responded incredulously in October when her Republican rival promised to copy Mississippi’s reforms: “He keeps citing places like Louisiana and Mississippi, I think some of the worst schools in the entire nation. If that’s where he wants to drive us to, I think voters better be aware of that.”

More recently, a new paper by Howard Wainer, Irina Grabovsky, and Daniel H. Robinson baldly claimed that Mississippi’s gains were entirely illusory and produced by a policy of excluding low performers. The paper, circulated in a viral social-media message by the progressive data scientist G. Elliot Morris, reaffirmed what many liberal minds have come to see as an eternal truth about education reform: It does not and cannot work.

This chorus seems to have neglected the paper’s many factual and conceptual flaws. Its central claim is that Mississippi is artificially raising its test scores by holding back underperforming third graders. But as the moderate-liberal education-reform advocates Karen Vaites and Kelsey Piper note, Mississippi’s test scores have risen steadily over the past decade, yet the average age of students taking the National Assessment of Educational Progress in the state has held stable in recent years, and the share of students held back has actually declined. The new paper, published in the Royal Statistical Society magazine Significance, wrongly assumes that the lowest-performing students have simply disappeared, when in fact they have stayed in the state’s school system, which means they have been subjected to these tests, too.

[Read: America is sliding toward illiteracy]

The paper asserts, as a strange aside, that Mississippi’s fourth and eighth graders rank last in math, but Piper points out that this isn’t even close to true—the state’s fourth-grade math scores rank 16th nationally, its eighth-grade math scores rank 35th, and its demographically adjusted ranking in both categories is first. At no point does the paper mention the curricular changes that could have improved literacy rates in the state.

The authors of the paper contextualize their skepticism by noting that a number of previous education “miracles” turned out to be “hoaxes.” New Orleans, for example, implemented a citywide public charter-school system after Hurricane Katrina in 2005 and saw significant boosts in test scores and college-entry and college-graduation rates a decade later. But the paper’s authors dismiss these benefits as “caused by a natural disaster.” Hurricane Katrina “tragically relocated about a third of the students who came from the poorest areas,” they write. “Removing thousands of low scorers immediately raised the average test scores of the students who remained” without “increasing any student’s individual score.” The authors use this to suggest that all major improvements in public education are similarly chimerical.

This characterization is wrong. The Tulane economist Douglas Harris, who has studied the effects of school reforms in New Orleans for years, told me by email,

“We exhaustively examined the various possible alternative explanations, and the results keep pointing to the school reforms, not demographic change or anything else.”

That such a flawed paper would have such a rapturous reaction on the left indicates just how eager progressives are to debunk any apparent success in education reform. That there are changes schools can make that actually raise scores and shrink achievement gaps cuts against the prevailing view on the left that poverty and other socioeconomic disadvantages are problems too big for schools to alleviate.

More than two decades ago, Richard Rothstein, the progressive critic of education reform and ally of teachers’ unions, dismissed the feasibility of meaningful progress in an essay called “Even the Best Schools Can’t Close the Race Achievement Gap.” In 2019, the populist financier Nick Hanauer wrote in these pages that he used to believe that poverty and inequality were a consequence of America’s failing education system. But after decades of investing heavily in public schools, “I have come to the uncomfortable conclusion that I was wrong,” he wrote. “Even the most thoughtful and well-intentioned school-reform program can’t improve educational outcomes if it ignores the single greatest driver of student achievement: household income.” (Nobody, of course, is proposing to ignore household incomes.)

Freddie deBoer, a Marxist cultural critic who writes often about American education, regularly insists that school reform does not and cannot work. “What pedagogical or administrative or technological or social or communicative or political interventions,” he has written, “reliably produce meaningful academic benefits such that those ‘left behind’ improve their station? What works? Nothing.”

Given this predisposition, it is not surprising that deBoer predicted that Mississippi’s success would prove illusory even before he had any specific statistical basis for his disbelief: “I’m confident that the supposed miracle in Mississippi is in fact not what it seems, probably a matter of some sort of data manipulation, likely in part due to some degree of systemic fraud and partially due to grey-area self-interest, institutional inertia, just-following-orders, etc. Could be wrong, but that’s my strong suspicion.”

Like deBoer, Wainer, Grabovsky, and Robinson subscribe to the view that big, positive changes in education can never hold up. “Extreme educational reform success stories are non-existent,” they write. Though it is certainly true that some apparent success stories have involved statistical meddling or outright cheating, these cases don’t prove the impossibility of improving schools any more than a list of corporate fraudsters would prove the impossibility of running a profitable business.

[Read: The charter-school movement’s new divide]

There are in fact many examples of cities, states, and school systems that have developed effective and scalable ways to shrink education gaps. Urban public-charter schools regularly outperform traditional public schools. Testing and accountability measures supported by both parties beginning with 2001’s No Child Left Behind Act produced slow but steady national gains until the pandemic’s disruptions in 2020.

The catch is that these reforms are challenging to enact and they generate political resistance. Teachers’ unions loathe accountability in general, and specifically hate merit pay or anything that makes it easy to fire a low-performing teacher. Affluent parents dislike the stress that comes with standardized testing. As Andrew Rice explained recently in New York magazine, teachers’ unions and dismayed parents worked together to dismantle regular testing, which helped bring about this era’s educational stagnation.

Democrats, meanwhile, have often found that the path of least resistance involves avoiding reforms that unsettle their coalition. Hillary Clinton in 2016 and Joe Biden in 2020 backed away from the Obama administration’s reform agenda. Party-aligned think tanks such as the Center for American Progress, which once championed reform, now focus on ideas like nicer school buildings and better teacher pay. Progressives used to talk about fixing achievement gaps. Now their ambitions have shrunk to simply holding the system together.

The left is hardly alone in giving up on schools as an engine of social mobility. Republicans have largely discarded their George W. Bush–era interest in education reform and settled for dismantling the Department of Education and turning school spending into private vouchers that parents can use with little oversight or accountability.

But the idea that poor kids are ineducable, and that the government is helpless to improve the situation, is at least consistent with conservative orthodoxy. For Democrats to adopt the same posture, merely because the hard work of lifting up educational opportunities for poor kids discomfits some of their allies, betrays their party’s most essential purpose.

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deebee
11 days ago
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When did everyone on the left become “leftists”? When I was a kid leftists assassinated dictators and people who wanted free afterschool programs were called activists
America City, America
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