
Today’s 5-4 order vacating a temporary restraining order preventing further deportations of accused members of Tren de Aragua under the Alien Enemies Act (ACB dissenting with the three liberals) follows a familiar pattern:
- An ipse dixit in a brief, unsigned opinion that sounds facially reasonable because all of the relevant context has been stripped out.
- An “are we the baddies?” concurrence from Kavanaugh making further unpersuasive attempts to minimize the Court’s pernicious action.
- Unanswerable dissents that the Court mostly just ignores on the merits, while huffing about the “rhetoric” of the dissenting opinions.
While acknowledging that notice and due process are required before deportation, he Court vacates the order under the theory that the detainees can only seek relief under habeas corpus and not the APA, which means that cases have to be brought in the jurisdiction where the detainees were being held (in this case Texas.) As Sotomayor observes, this requirement allows the administration to venue shop for the jurisdictions most hostile to the rights of the detainees, and as Sotomayor says the desire for venue shopping is certainly not adequate justification for an emergency intervention.
I recommend reading Sotomayor’s dissent in full, but I think this is the heart of it:
What if the Government later determines that it sent one of these detainees to CECOT in error? Or a court eventually decides that the President lacked authority under the Alien Enemies Act to declare that Tren de Aragua is perpetrating or attempting an “invasion” against the territory of the United States? The Government takes the position that, even when it makes a mistake, it cannot retrieve individuals from the Salvadoran prisons to which it has sent them. The implication of the Government’s position is that not only noncitizens but also United States citizens could be taken off the streets, forced onto planes, and confined to foreign prisons with no opportunity for redress if judicial review is denied unlawfully before removal. History is no stranger to such lawless regimes, but this Nation’s system of laws is designed to prevent, not enable, their rise.
[…]
That requirement may have life or death consequences. Individuals who are unable to secure counsel, or who cannot timely appeal an adverse judgment rendered by a habeas court, face the prospect of removal directly into the perilous conditions of El Salvador’s CECOT, where detainees suffer egregious human rights abuses. Anyone the Government mistakenly deports in its piecemeal and rushed implementation of the challenged Proclamation will face the same grave risks.
The stakes are all the more obvious in light of the Government’s insistence that, once it sends someone to CECOT, it cannot be made to retrieve them. The Government is at this very moment seeking emergency relief from an order requiring it to facilitate the return of an individual the Government concededly removed to CECOT “because of an administrative error.”
The Government’s resistance to facilitating the return of individuals erroneously removed to CECOT only amplifies the specter that, even if this Court someday declares the President’s Proclamation unlawful, scores of individual lives may be irretrievably lost. More fundamentally, this Court exercises its equitable discretion to intervene without accounting for the Government noncompliance that has permeated this litigation to date.
[….]
The Government’s conduct in this litigation poses an extraordinary threat to the rule of law. That a majority of this Court now rewards the Government for its behavior with discretionary equitable relief is indefensible. We, as a Nation and a court of law, should be better than this. I respectfully dissent.
It’s also critical to note that the AEA requires that we be at war with the relevant country, which we are not. It has only been in invoked during the War of 1812 and World Wars I and II.
Jackson has a shorter dissent noting that this is yet another abuse of the emergency docket:
The President of the United States has invoked a centuries-old wartime statute to whisk people away to a notoriously brutal, foreign-run prison. For lovers of liberty, this should be quite concerning. Surely, the question whether such Government action is consistent with our Constitution and laws warrants considerable thought and attention from the Judiciary. That was why the District Court issued a temporary restraining order to prevent immediate harm to the targeted individuals while the court considered the lawfulness of the Government’s conduct. But this Court now sees fit to intervene, hastily dashing off a four-paragraph per curiam opinion discarding the District Court’s order based solely on a new legal pronouncement that, one might have thought, would require significant deliberation.
[…]
I lament that the Court appears to have embarked on a new era of procedural variability, and that it has done so in such a casual, inequitable, and, in my view, inappropriate manner. At least when the Court went off base in the past, it left a record so posterity could see how it went wrong. See, e.g., Korematsu v. United States, 323 U. S. 214 (1944). With more and more of our most significant rulings taking place in the shadows of our emergency docket, today’s Court leaves less and less of a trace. But make no mistake: We are just as wrong now as we have been in the past, with similarly devastating consequences. It just seems we are now less willing to face it.
It’s a very bad opinion, and what it portends is even worse.
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